Obtain via Party. Obtain via partaking in MLCC event. Obtained from S17 First Recharge Event. Obtain via Summer Gala Carnival. Obtained from Bear Fest event. Russian server only. Obtain via Nostalgia event.
Obtained from the Back-to-School event. Obtain from Magic Chess Pass. Obtained from the Summer Gala Preorder. Awarded in recognition of excellence in community events. Obtain via Exchange Event. India server only. Win points in the Trial of Knowledge event and redeem for the reward. Sword series Avatar Border. Can be obtained from The Legend of Sword event.
Obtained by taking the quiz in Legends of Dawn. Obtain from the "S18 First Recharge" event. Obtained from "Benedetta's War" Event. Obtained from the Thadingyut Festival event. Obtained from the Blazing West event for free, by logging in on December 5. Thunder series limited avatar border. Can be obtained from The Rolling Thunder event. Obtained from the S19 First Recharge event. Obtained from the Trial of Knowledge event. Gain by spending Season Coins at the exchange store during the M2 Event.
Obtained from Valentine's Day Collection Tasks. Obtained from the Carnival Gacha Party Event. Obtained from the Lethal Nexus Event. Obtained from the Survival: Nexus Leaderboard event. Storm series limited avatar border. Can be obtained from "Brewing Storm" event. Obtained by exchanging points in the April "Trial of Knowledge" event. Gained from the "Ramadan Kareem" event held over Ramadan.
Obtained for free from the Party Treasure event of eParty Heroes of Might and Magic Subreddit. Initially, the add-on was created to change the original game resolution x to a bigger but now it has even more features. VIP 3 1. Although the advertisements make the game look like a puzzle game, it isn't. Avoid Heroes Magic World hack cheats for your own safety, choose our tips and advices confirmed by pro players, testers and users like you. The God of War. Steadfast Defense: Increases defense for all allied units and provides an additional counter-attack each round.
When Erathia's King Gryphonheart is murdered by traitors he is resurrected as an undead warlord who leads a ruthless invasion of his former Kingdom. Please register for Total War Access to use the forums. The game tells a story of a war for the throne of the Empire. For the heroes featured in Bannerlord, see Companions Bannerlord. Heroes War: Counterattack Tier List. I played the first 2 in the series back in teh day, but its been years since ive played one from the series.
Facebook Twitter Reddit. Basic War Machines increases attack, defense, and damage of the ballista. PlayDota Reborn. Heroes and generals have unique specialties that fit different play styles!
One hero is a mage with ancient knowledge, and other a mighty warrior with might, fighting and defence skills. Disney Heroes vs Villains is a spin-off tournament created by acemckillayoface. Reddit - httpsDownload Heroes Magic War. Use Resources Wisely 6 4.
The storyline serves as a prequel to Heroes of Might and Magic V, taking place four centuries earlier in the same world of Ashan. Instead, they remain behind, giving orders and using spells. He is only vulnerable to magic damage and even magic-based heroes krista and lars, orion, etc. What im wondering is whats a good Heroes of might and magic to get? Here, we'll talk about Heroic Magic Duel Heroes, their spell and evolutions.
This skill is more effective at higher levels. It was developed by Nival Interactive, under the guidance of franchise-owner Ubisoft. Clash in over 20 maps from across the globe, and switch heroes on the fly to adapt to the ever-changingWorld of Warships. A legendary Archangel General is resurrected, but with his powers crippled. Guide contains: 13 pages, 67 images.
That means we need 1 tank that benefits from magic: Aurora and if we have no healer, Ziri. Some of the buildings after construction is "invisible". Reddit gives you the best of the internet in one place. No files were found matching the criteria specified.
Again, they are adventurous beyond their power, and daring beyond their judgment, and in danger they are sanguine; your wont is to attempt less than is justified by your power, to mistrust even what is sanctioned by your judgment, and to fancy that from danger there is no release.
Further, there is promptitude on their side against procrastination on yours; they are never at home, you are never from it: for they hope by their absence to extend their acquisitions, you fear by your advance to endanger what you have left behind.
They are swift to follow up a success, and slow to recoil from a reverse. A scheme unexecuted is with them a positive loss, a successful enterprise a comparative failure. The deficiency created by the miscarriage of an undertaking is soon filled up by fresh hopes; for they alone are enabled to call a thing hoped for a thing got, by the speed with which they act upon their resolutions.
Thus they toil on in trouble and danger all the days of their life, with little opportunity for enjoying, being ever engaged in getting: their only idea of a holiday is to do what the occasion demands, and to them laborious occupation is less of a misfortune than the peace of a quiet life.
To describe their character in a word, one might truly say that they were born into the world to take no rest themselves and to give none to others. And yet, Lacedaemonians, you still delay, and fail to see that peace stays longest with those, who are not more careful to use their power justly than to show their determination not to submit to injustice.
On the contrary, your ideal of fair dealing is based on the principle that, if you do not injure others, you need not risk your own fortunes in preventing others from injuring you.
Now you could scarcely have succeeded in such a policy even with a neighbour like yourselves; but in the present instance, as we have just shown, your habits are old-fashioned as compared with theirs. It is the law as in art, so in politics, that improvements ever prevail; and though fixed usages may be best for undisturbed communities, constant necessities of action must be accompanied by the constant improvement of methods. Thus it happens that the vast experience of Athens has carried her further than you on the path of innovation.
Such a step would not be condemned either by the Gods who received our oaths, or by the men who witnessed them. The breach of a treaty cannot be laid to the people whom desertion compels to seek new relations, but to the power that fails to assist its confederate. But if you will only act, we will stand by you; it would be unnatural for us to change, and never should we meet with such a congenial ally.
For these reasons choose the right course, and endeavour not to let Peloponnese under your supremacy degenerate from the prestige that it enjoyed under that of your ancestors. Such were the words of the Corinthians. There happened to be Athenian envoys present at Lacedaemon on other business. On hearing the speeches they thought themselves called upon to come before the Lacedaemonians.
Their intention was not to offer a defence on any of the charges which the cities brought against them, but to show on a comprehensive view that it was not a matter to be hastily decided on, but one that demanded further consideration. There was also a wish to call attention to the great power of Athens, and to refresh the memory of the old and enlighten the ignorance of the young, from a notion that their words might have the effect of inducing them to prefer tranquillity to war.
So they came to the Lacedaemonians and said that they too, if there was no objection, wished to speak to their assembly. They replied by inviting them to come forward.
The Athenians advanced, and spoke as follows:. However, the vehemence of the outcry that we hear against us has prevailed on us to come forward. It is not to combat the accusations of the cities indeed you are not the judges before whom either we or they can plead , but to prevent your taking the wrong course on matters of great importance by yielding too readily to the persuasions of your allies. We also wish to show on a review of the whole indictment that we have a fair title to our possessions, and that our country has claims to consideration.
We need not refer to remote antiquity: there we could appeal to the voice of tradition, but not to the experience of our audience. But to the Median War and contemporary history we must refer, although we are rather tired of continually bringing this subject forward.
In our action during that war we ran great risk to obtain certain advantages: you had your share in the solid results, do not try to rob us of all share in the good that the glory may do us.
However, the story shall be told not so much to deprecate hostility as to testify against it, and to show, if you are so ill advised as to enter into a struggle with Athens, what sort of an antagonist she is likely to prove. We assert that at Marathon we were at the front, and faced the barbarian single-handed.
That when he came the second time, unable to cope with him by land we went on board our ships with all our people, and joined in the action at Salamis. This prevented his taking the Peloponnesian states in detail, and ravaging them with his fleet; when the multitude of his vessels would have made any combination for self-defence impossible.
The best proof of this was furnished by the invader himself. Defeated at sea, he considered his power to be no longer what it had been, and retired as speedily as possible with the greater part of his army. Well, to this result we contributed three very useful elements, viz. Our contingent of ships was little less than two-thirds of the whole four hundred; the commander was Themistocles, through whom chiefly it was that the battle took place in the straits, the acknowledged salvation of our cause.
Indeed, this was the reason of your receiving him with honours such as had never been accorded to any foreign visitor. While for daring patriotism we had no competitors. Receiving no reinforcements from behind, seeing everything in front of us already subjugated, we had the spirit, after abandoning our city, after sacrificing our property instead of deserting the remainder of the league or depriving them of our services by dispersing , to throw ourselves into our ships and meet the danger, without a thought of resenting your neglect to assist us.
We assert, therefore, that we conferred on you quite as much as we received. For you had a stake to fight for; the cities which you had left were still filled with your homes, and you had the prospect of enjoying them again; and your coming was prompted quite as much by fear for yourselves as for us; at all events, you never appeared till we had nothing left to lose. But we left behind us a city that was a city no longer, and staked our lives for a city that had an existence only in desperate hope, and so bore our full share in your deliverance and in ours.
But if we had copied others, and allowed fears for our territory to make us give in our adhesion to the Mede before you came, or if we had suffered our ruin to break our spirit and prevent us embarking in our ships, your naval inferiority would have made a sea-fight unnecessary, and his objects would have been peaceably attained.
That empire we acquired by no violent means, but because you were unwilling to prosecute to its conclusion the war against the barbarian, and because the allies attached themselves to us and spontaneously asked us to assume the command. And the nature of the case first compelled us to advance our empire to its present height; fear being our principal motive, though honour and interest afterwards came in.
And at last, when almost all hated us, when some had already revolted and had been subdued, when you had ceased to be the friends that you once were, and had become objects of suspicion and dislike, it appeared no longer safe to give up our empire; especially as all who left us would fall to you.
And no one can quarrel with a people for making, in matters of tremendous risk, the best provision that it can for its interest. And if at the period of which we were speaking you had persevered to the end of the matter, and had incurred hatred in your command, we are sure that you would have made yourselves just as galling to the allies, and would have been forced to choose between a strong government and danger to yourselves.
It follows that it was not a very wonderful action, or contrary to the common practice of mankind, if we did accept an empire that was offered to us, and refused to give it up under the pressure of three of the strongest motives, fear, honour, and interest.
And it was not we who set the example, for it has always been law that the weaker should be subject to the stronger. Besides, we believed ourselves to be worthy of our position, and so you thought us till now, when calculations of interest have made you take up the cry of justice—a consideration which no one ever yet brought forward to hinder his ambition when he had a chance of gaining anything by might.
And praise is due to all who, if not so superior to human nature as to refuse dominion, yet respect justice more than their position compels them to do. Our abatement of our rights in the contract trials with our allies, and our causing them to be decided by impartial laws at Athens, have gained us the character of being litigious.
And none care to inquire why this reproach is not brought against other imperial powers, who treat their subjects with less moderation than we do; the secret being that where force can be used, law is not needed.
But our subjects are so habituated to associate with us as equals that any defeat whatever that clashes with their notions of justice, whether it proceeds from a legal judgment or from the power which our empire gives us, makes them forget to be grateful for being allowed to retain most of their possessions, and more vexed at a part being taken, than if we had from the first cast law aside and openly gratified our covetousness.
If we had done so, not even would they have disputed that the weaker must give way to the stronger. At all events they contrived to put up with much worse treatment than this from the Mede, yet they think our rule severe, and this is to be expected, for the present always weighs heavy on the conquered. This at least is certain. If you were to succeed in overthrowing us and in taking our place, you would speedily lose the popularity with which fear of us has invested you, if your policy of to-day is at all to tally with the sample that you gave of it during the brief period of your command against the Mede.
Not only is your life at home regulated by rules and institutions incompatible with those of others, but your citizens abroad act neither on these rules nor on those which are recognized by the rest of Hellas. As it continues, it generally becomes an affair of chances, chances from which neither of us is exempt, and whose event we must risk in the dark.
It is a common mistake in going to war to begin at the wrong end, to act first, and wait for disaster to discuss the matter. But we are not yet by any means so misguided, nor, so far as we can see, are you; accordingly, while it is still open to us both to choose aright, we bid you not to dissolve the treaty, or to break your oaths, but to have our differences settled by arbitration according to our agreement.
Or else we take the gods who heard the oaths to witness, and if you begin hostilities, whatever line of action you choose, we will try not to be behindhand in repelling you.
Such were the words of the Athenians. After the Lacedaemonians had heard the complaints of the allies against the Athenians, and the observations of the latter, they made all withdraw, and consulted by themselves on the question before them.
The opinions of the majority all led to the same conclusion; the Athenians were open aggressors, and war must be declared at once. But Archidamus, the Lacedaemonian king, came forward, who had the reputation of being at once a wise and a moderate man, and made the following speech:.
This, the war on which you are now debating, would be one of the greatest magnitude, on a sober consideration of the matter. In a struggle with Peloponnesians and neighbours our strength is of the same character, and it is possible to move swiftly on the different points.
But a struggle with a people who live in a distant land, who have also an extraordinary familiarity with the sea, and who are in the highest state of preparation in every other department; with wealth private and public, with ships, and horses, and heavy infantry, and a population such as no one other Hellenic place can equal, and lastly a number of tributary allies—what can justify us in rashly beginning such a struggle?
Is it in our ships? There we are inferior; while if we are to practise and become a match for them, time must intervene. Is it in our money?
There we have a far greater deficiency. We neither have it in our treasury, nor are we ready to contribute it from our private funds. Confidence might possibly be felt in our superiority in heavy infantry and population, which will enable us to invade and devastate their lands.
But the Athenians have plenty of other land in their empire, and can import what they want by sea. Again, if we are to attempt an insurrection of their allies, these will have to be supported with a fleet, most of them being islanders.
What then is to be our war? For unless we can either beat them at sea, or deprive them of the revenues which feed their navy, we shall meet with little but disaster. Meanwhile our honour will be pledged to keeping on, particularly if it be the opinion that we began the quarrel. For let us never be elated by the fatal hope of the war being quickly ended by the devastation of their lands.
I fear rather that we may leave it as a legacy to our children; so improbable is it that the Athenian spirit will be the slave of their land, or Athenian experience be cowed by war.
The means will be, first, the acquisition of allies, Hellenic or barbarian it matters not, so long as they are an accession to our strength naval or pecuniary—I say Hellenic or barbarian, because the odium of such an accession to all who like us are the objects of the designs of the Athenians is taken away by the law of self-preservation—and secondly the development of our home resources. If they listen to our embassy, so much the better; but if not, after the lapse of two or three years our position will have become materially strengthened, and we can then attack them if we think proper.
Perhaps by that time the sight of our preparations, backed by language equally significant, will have disposed them to submission, while their land is still untouched, and while their counsels may be directed to the retention of advantages as yet undestroyed. For the only light in which you can view their land is that of a hostage in your hands, a hostage the more valuable the better it is cultivated. This you ought to spare as long as possible, and not make them desperate, and so increase the difficulty of dealing with them.
For if while still unprepared, hurried away by the complaints of our allies, we are induced to lay it waste, have a care that we do not bring deep disgrace and deep perplexity upon Peloponnese. Complaints, whether of communities or individuals, it is possible to adjust; but war undertaken by a coalition for sectional interests, whose progress there is no means of foreseeing, does not easily admit of creditable settlement.
The Athenians have allies as numerous as our own, and allies that pay tribute, and war is a matter not so much of arms as of money, which makes arms of use. And this is more than ever true in a struggle between a continental and a maritime power.
First, then, let us provide money, and not allow ourselves to be carried away by the talk of our allies before we have done so: as we shall have the largest share of responsibility for the consequences be they good or bad, we have also a right to a tranquil inquiry respecting them. If we undertake the war without preparation, we should by hastening its commencement only delay its conclusion: further, a free and a famous city has through all time been ours.
The quality which they condemn is really nothing but a wise moderation; thanks to its possession, we alone do not become insolent in success and give way less than others in misfortune; we are not carried away by the pleasure of hearing ourselves cheered on to risks which our judgment condemns; nor, if annoyed, are we any the more convinced by attempts to exasperate us by accusation.
We are both warlike and wise, and it is our sense of order that makes us so. We are warlike, because self-control contains honour as a chief constituent, and honour bravery. In practice we always base our preparations against an enemy on the assumption that his plans are good; indeed, it is right to rest our hopes not on a belief in his blunders, but on the soundness of our provisions.
Nor ought we to believe that there is much difference between man and man, but to think that the superiority lies with him who is reared in the severest school. These practices, then, which our ancestors have delivered to us, and by whose maintenance we have always profited, must not be given up.
This our strength peculiarly enables us to do. Meanwhile do not omit preparation for war. This decision will be the best for yourselves, the most terrible to your opponents. Such were the words of Archidamus. Last came forward Sthenelaidas, one of the ephors for that year, and spoke to the Lacedaemonians as follows:.
They said a good deal in praise of themselves, but nowhere denied that they are injuring our allies and Peloponnese. And yet if they behaved well against the Mede then, but ill towards us now, they deserve double punishment for having ceased to be good and for having become bad.
We meanwhile are the same then and now, and shall not, if we are wise, disregard the wrongs of our allies, or put off till to-morrow the duty of assisting those who must suffer to-day. Others have much money and ships and horses, but we have good allies whom we must not give up to the Athenians, nor by lawsuits and words decide the matter, as it is anything but in word that we are harmed, but render instant and powerful help. And let us not be told that it is fitting for us to deliberate under injustice; long deliberation is rather fitting for those who have injustice in contemplation.
Vote therefore, Lacedaemonians, for war, as the honour of Sparta demands, and neither allow the further aggrandizement of Athens, nor betray our allies to ruin, but with the gods let us advance against the aggressors. With these words he, as ephor, himself put the question to the assembly of the Lacedaemonians. He said that he could not determine which was the loudest acclamation their mode of decision is by acclamation not by voting ; the fact being that he wished to make them declare their opinion openly and thus to increase their ardour for war.
Summoning the allies, they told them that their opinion was that Athens had been guilty of injustice, but that they wished to convoke all the allies and put it to the vote; in order that they might make war, if they decided to do so, on a common resolution. Having thus gained their point, the delegates returned home at once; the Athenian envoys a little later, when they had dispatched the objects of their mission.
The Lacedaemonians voted that the treaty had been broken, and that the war must be declared, not so much because they were persuaded by the arguments of the allies, as because they feared the growth of the power of the Athenians, seeing most of Hellas already subject to them. The way in which Athens came to be placed in the circumstances under which her power grew was this. After the Medes had returned from Europe, defeated by sea and land by the Hellenes, and after those of them who had fled with their ships to Mycale had been destroyed, Leotychides, king of the Lacedaemonians, the commander of the Hellenes at Mycale, departed home with the allies from Peloponnese.
But the Athenians and the allies from Ionia and Hellespont, who had now revolted from the King, remained and laid siege to Sestos, which was still held by the Medes. After wintering before it, they became masters of the place on its evacuation by the barbarians; and after this they sailed away from Hellespont to their respective cities. Meanwhile the Athenian people, after the departure of the barbarian from their country, at once proceeded to carry over their children and wives, and such property as they had left, from the places where they had deposited them, and prepared to rebuild their city and their walls.
For only isolated portions of the circumference had been left standing, and most of the houses were in ruins; though a few remained, in which the Persian grandees had taken up their quarters. Perceiving what they were going to do, the Lacedaemonians sent an embassy to Athens. They would have themselves preferred to see neither her nor any other city in possession of a wall; though here they acted principally at the instigation of their allies, who were alarmed at the strength of her newly acquired navy and the valour which she had displayed in the war with the Medes.
They begged her not only to abstain from building walls for herself, but also to join them in throwing down the walls that still held together of the ultra-Peloponnesian cities. The real meaning of their advice, the suspicion that it contained against the Athenians, was not proclaimed; it was urged that so the barbarian, in the event of a third invasion, would not have any strong place, such as he now had in Thebes, for his base of operations; and that Peloponnese would suffice for all as a base both for retreat and offence.
After the Lacedaemonians had thus spoken, they were, on the advice of Themistocles, immediately dismissed by the Athenians, with the answer that ambassadors should be sent to Sparta to discuss the question. Themistocles told the Athenians to send him off with all speed to Lacedaemon, but not to dispatch his colleagues as soon as they had selected them, but to wait until they had raised their wall to the height from which defence was possible. Meanwhile the whole population in the city was to labour at the wall, the Athenians, their wives, and their children, sparing no edifice, private or public, which might be of any use to the work, but throwing all down.
After giving these instructions, and adding that he would be responsible for all other matters there, he departed. Arrived at Lacedaemon he did not seek an audience with the authorities, but tried to gain time and made excuses.
When any of the government asked him why he did not appear in the assembly, he would say that he was waiting for his colleagues, who had been detained in Athens by some engagement; however, that he expected their speedy arrival, and wondered that they were not yet there. At first the Lacedaemonians trusted the words of Themistocles, through their friendship for him; but when others arrived, all distinctly declaring that the work was going on and already attaining some elevation, they did not know how to disbelieve it.
Aware of this, he told them that rumours are deceptive, and should not be trusted; they should send some reputable persons from Sparta to inspect, whose report might be trusted. They dispatched them accordingly.
Concerning these Themistocles secretly sent word to the Athenians to detain them as far as possible without putting them under open constraint, and not to let them go until they had themselves returned. For his colleagues had now joined him, Abronichus, son of Lysicles, and Aristides, son of Lysimachus, with the news that the wall was sufficiently advanced; and he feared that when the Lacedaemonians heard the facts, they might refuse to let them go. Like everything so far except that a lot of enemies tend to run away.
Spoiler So what happened to Samuro in chapter 2? I hope he survive. Well, I have not finished the campaign yet but I have I feel obliged to say a few things. First of all, graphically it's delightful, as always, but this time you've done a really impressive job.
I don't know how you do it, because it really looks like a professional job. Regarding the gameplay, I must admit that it was too easy for me playing in normal , I feel that my champions become very strong quickly and with a minimum of skill, missions are overcome without difficulty.
Don't get me wrong, the missions are perfectly designed and feel very organic, but perhaps an extra point of difficulty is missing, although I say this in quotation marks, because there is a level of difficulty above and perhaps at that level things feel different.
At the level of customization, perhaps I would have liked to see more different skills, to see my three heroes from the beginning with more differentiated abilities from the original Warcraft 3. This does not detract from the merit or quality of the campaign, I simply comment it as a point that I would have liked.
As for the story, as I said about the missions, it is perfectly narrated and developed. The only point, as I said before, in my personal opinion I would have liked to see something more differentiated.
I comment on this because the starting point of the campaign and the beginning is the same as the original campaign. Once again I repeat, it does not detract from value or quality, they are only personal tastes that I comment. The work and effort behind this campaign is immense and for someone like me who tries to create minimally decent content, you are an inspiration. I will not comment on any bugs because the few that I found have already reported them.
Fifth level: Crimson War Golem isn't red in any way. Seventh level: And Regulkut isn't joining because? The really big walls are cool, but sometimes they get in the way and cause mouse clicks to go to the wrong place on top of the invisible-from-that-side cliff since that what the game thinks the mouse is clicking on. Two codex items for Bazzalan, the one that's not near him is Taragaman's entry.
There's what seems to be a secret area on the SE edge of the map break a rock chunk to get in, follow the floating lights but it doesn't lead anywhere.
Neeru's taunt should be a message, I didn't even notice I was fighting him at first. Ragefire Chasm codex is the Barrens one. Elemental Tampering codex doesn't make sense. Why aren't they a threat? Doomguard codex should be moved up, it can be hidden by mushrooms.
End cutscene: Game music keeps playing. If you could tell Garithos was an idiot, why are you sinking to his level? Eighth level: Nice getup, Rexxar. Stash worked this time, I'll try with the other levels later. There's a Tauren in the Stonemaul camp, is he supposed to be there?
Ogre unit tooltips are unchanged, and spearthrower hires are called Assassins. Thank you, Groggu, you're very helpful. Initial quest message says kill 15 dragons, the quest says kill 3 elders. Maybe word it as "kill the three elders". Black dragons don't update the quest as you kill them.
Are the hero names randomized, because Manadar the Healer, Flaming Sword Executioner, seems a bit unlikely. When Jaina teleports away, several of the effects are centered on nothing she got all her units killed because she's very bad at aiming Blizzard, Blizzard just sucks these days while leaving her elementals behind. Not much of a bodyguard. Food should be higher, you start the game over cap. Savefile has a description for a map called Gilneas. Running low on inspiration there? One of the Flaming Sword models I think it's the horseman has an issue where parts of its corpse stick to units that walk over them like an attachment sfx.
There should be a ping on the open gates after the first part ends, I thought there was a missing trigger to open the side gates. Some of the city wall doodads can be walked through. Some of the enemies are just called Gnomes. Tidesage still uses sorceress caster tooltip. The true final boss was Spoiler very underwhelming.
I mean, it's on her for showing up alone in the middle of a half a dozen angry people buffed to the gills and more summons than they know what to do with, but she doesn't even have HP. I'm not sure her teleport effect had faded away before she was. Played not too far, but I liked it. First cinematic was really familiar - did you just remarked original Rexxar starting cinematic?
It was good adaptation! Joined Oct 22, Messages Joined May 3, Messages Mapguy It's been a while since i played one of your many campaigns and I gotta say it's still very polished compared to other campaigns I've played so far I played on the 1.
Your feedback goes a long way in improving this and future custom campaigns. I uploaded 1. If there are issues with this change, don't hesitate to post about it. Also added some minor model fixes thanks to frostwhisper. DarkSword , I'm glad you enjoyed it. Some spells are admittedly OP, I never really found time to fine-tune the balance. I wish I could fix some of the other spell-related issues but sometimes it's beyond my skill level I chose many of them mainly because they looked cool.
Adding variety of items in shops was something I did consider but due to the very protracted dev time, I kinda skipped it. Anyway, thanks again for playing and the feedback! On a side note, I spotted two Russian Let's Players playing through the campaign if anyone's interested!
Joined Jun 22, Messages The campaign is good, I just finished it but as they have already told you before, the enemy units without faction do not attack, it seems that they have the AI of the animals around them, running if they are attacked, but even so I liked the concept of a handful of heroes against an army, keep it up.
Psdt: use a translator, if you have errors forgive me. Joined Jun 4, Messages 16, Resources: 4 Resources Maps 4. Spoiler: chap1 Slagor's portrait is broken. Floating text messages should last longer. Some are hard to read as they fade quickly. Rexxar: "I don't abuse animals! Also Rexxar: "Gold you say!? Here, you can have Misha too! Head Hunting's quest icon is the same as Burning Shadow's.
Enemy units sometimes just run crazy around the map when you attack them. Why is Oggoto with wolves around? The quest boar's portrait is bugged. Would be nice to mention what level range is required for quests since trying to fight the orange orcs isn't really easy on level 3.
The Shaman's portrait is broken. Not all NPCs get an "! Neeru and the wolf rider didn't have one while the tauren woman had. Returning Gorky is a waste of time since there's no danger on the road.
You can just send him solo. You get teleported out of the mines if Gorky reaches his dad even though the cave was shut. My Shaman wasn't moved from the mine though.
